Thursday, 3 March 2011

Key Points - Learning Guide 3

Social constructionist theory argues that understandings of childhood, development and appropriate care for children and young people vary between different historical and geographical/cultural/family contexts

Viewing development as a stage-based pathway is strongly embedded in practice and legislation, with understandings of children and young people often based on their age and perceived developmental stage

Development as a stage-based pathway needs to be approached with caution as it has implications for some children and young people who are not easily accommodated within the ‘normative’ assumptions of the pathway

Models of parenting have been proposed which suggest some parenting styles are more appropriate than others. However, a social constructionist argument would be that notions such as ‘sensitive mothering’ are difficult to achieve and maintain.

The construction of care

Social constructionist theory argues that what is seen to be appropriate behaviour towards children is constructed and can vary through time and in different cultural contexts.


Construction of the child - Appropriate care and parenting

Child as mini adult - Child needs no special treatment, can work
and take part in ‘adult’ activities

Child as in a state of ‘original sin’ - The Victorian notion of ‘spare the rod and
spoil the child’ required adults to provide
harsh physical punishment to prevent the
child from developing inappropriately

Child as dependent, as a learner - Child needs developmentally rich
environment to learn in, supported by
‘teachers’ (adults or older children/young
people) to support learning

Child as innocent and vulnerable - Child needs protection from hazards in the
world, requires adult intervention and
monitoring




Models of parenting

Researchers and academics have proposed various models of parenting. Commonly, parenting styles are broken down into four categories:

Permissive - Few rules are given to children, those that are
given are inconsistently applied. Parents do not
monitor, challenge or praise behaviour.

Authoritarian - A hierarchical model of parenting with parents in
control of their child’s life. A focus on correcting
bad behaviour, strict rules and punishment
consistently applied.

Authoritative - Clear and consistent expectations of children.
Expectations are explained and negotiated with
children.

Neglectful or dismissive - Exert little care or consideration for their
children


Research based in the UK and North America suggests that an authoritative parenting style provides children and young people with the most effective support and care. However, there are variations in what is considered to be an appropriate parenting style. For example, in his work Martin Woodhead (1999) cites an example of a Thai textbook on parenting, which is concerned about the effect on families if parenting is not authoritarian in style.
Parenting style and behaviour is also a product of the material resources available to a family. For example, Walkerdine and Lucey (1991) suggested that the ideal of ‘sensitive mothering’, whereby a mother is attuned to her baby’s needs and responsive to them, is difficult to sustain, particularly in situations where families have little support and a baby has been crying constantly for hours at a time.

Tuesday, 1 March 2011

Development is not experienced in the same way by all children and young people

Viewing ‘development’ as a single pathway on which all children and young people can be measured is a powerful and very common way of understanding development. We’ll now look at the impact of a singular view of physical development and then psychological development is discussed.

Physical development
The physical development of babies is an essential aspect of monitoring the growth of newborn babies and young children. In the UK babies have health records often termed a ‘red book’ that record the child’s progress in many developmental aspects including the child’s weight.

Psychological development

Psychological development can include cognitive, social and emotional development. The dominant construction of development as a stage-based process, with skills building like a stack of blocks, has implications for how we view children. A social constructionist argument suggests that stages of development need to be used with caution. Assessing children in terms of how they measure up to predefined developmental stages may be helpful as an initial guide in getting to know about them. However, the contextual information surrounding a judgement on a child’s developmental stage is essential. For example, a child may not talk at three years old for a variety of reasons – sustained neglect may have caused physiological difficulties in development that have delayed/reduced the child’s neurological ability to talk; or the child may have a hearing loss that has not been picked up; or the child could have a hearing loss as a result from a physical assault to the head; or the child may be the youngest in a large family and so may be a late talker. The actual developmental task – not talking at an age that a child would be ‘expected’ to talk – is not the key issue here, but it allows us to ask further questions which may alter how concerned we are about the child.

Significant harm
Measures for the physical development of babies need to be taken in context but they provide a way of comparing a child against what is expected of children at the same age. The notion of using ideas about ‘usual’ or ‘normative’ development to measure an individual child is also evident in ways in which practitioners assess whether a child has experienced a situation or events that have caused them distress and considerable harm.
The notion of significant harm, as defined in the Children Act (1989), draws on the assumption that harm is demonstrated if children/young people are developing differently to the expected developmental pathway.

Harm is defined in s.31 (9) of the Children Act 1989 as ill-treatment or the impairment of health or development. In this context:
ill-treatment includes sexual abuse and other forms of ill-treatment which are not physical;
health means physical or mental health;
development includes physical, intellectual, emotional, social or behavioural development.

It is important to keep in mind that the health or development of children subject to ill-treatment may be impaired in a number of different ways.


In assessing and establishing significant harm, it is therefore necessary to consider:
the family context;
the child’s development within the context of their family and wider social and cultural environment;
any special needs, such as a medical condition, communication difficulty or disability that may affect the child's development and care within the family;
the nature of harm, in terms of ill-treatment or failure to provide adequate care;
the impact on the child's health and development; and
the adequacy of parental care.


It is important always to take account of the child’s reactions, and his or her perceptions, according to the child’s age and understanding.

Cultural differences in development
A social constructionist view of development stresses that there is no single ‘right’ way of developing and that children will develop differently in different cultural locations. For example, a child growing up in Vietnam will experience a very different cultural context for their development than a child growing up in the UK or Ireland. This is the result of societal expectations, values, access to schooling, economic situation of families, parents’ views of their role as parents, etc.
Ideas about appropriate parenting will also differ in different cultural locations. For example, play is considered to be a key aspect of the lives of young children in the UK. However, Woodhead (1999) cites research with Venezuelan mothers and day-care workers in which they were asked ‘Which is most important, play or discipline?’ Eight per cent of the mothers thought play was the most important, with 52 per cent of mothers saying that discipline was most important. A social constructionist theory argues that all knowledge is produced within a particular cultural setting at a particular point in time and its use is limited to that context. Therefore it makes sense that being a child and parenting are different in different cultural settings. It is also evident that in a culturally and ethnically diverse society such as the UK, there are many different views about appropriate parenting and appropriate child development. However, the issue for practice in the UK is that while it is important to recognise cultural differences in parenting and a child’s development, practitioners need to decide what is appropriate and safe for children and young people in the context of mainstream British culture.

Saturday, 26 February 2011

Social Constructionist Theory

‘Reality’ is constructed
Social constructionist theory suggests that there is no single ‘reality’ or way of experiencing the world. Instead, there are many different ways in which children and young people develop and experience the world. Various aspects of who we are affect how we see, experience and act in the world – a woman will experience the world differently to a man; an adult to a child; a black person to a white person, etc. It is not that one person’s view of the world is right or true and the others wrong or false – but different.

The role of language
A social constructionist argument suggests that language helps produce the social world that we live in and reflects the dominant power structures in society. Social contructionist theory suggests that ideas about the world, the objects within it and everything about ourselves are constructed through discourse. By discourse, we mean not just the words that we use and the interactions we have, but also the broad social practices that construct the world around us.
These concepts can feel very abstract, so some examples are given here to illustrate the argument being made.
What words do we use to address people formally – what are their titles? The words used formally for men in English, such as Mr, or Master (which is used for boys) do not denote their marital status. The words used for women, on the other hand, such as Mrs and Miss, do refer to their marital status – although Ms is used by many women as a way of countering this.
A social constructionist argument here is that the language we use actively constructs and produces the social world in which we live. In the UK today it is still the case that women are treated differently to men and often viewed as sexual objects, thus the language we use constructs a way of understanding women’s heterosexual relationships to men.
Another example – what colour does ‘natural’ or ‘skin tone’ refer to when applied to objects such as sticking plasters or hosiery? The question that can be asked is, ‘Whose skin tone is represented here as natural?’. This illustrates that the words we use are part of the way in which we construct the world in terms of social categories such as skin colour or, in the example above, gender. It is not just the words that we speak that create a particular view of the world – the words themselves are part of social practices that position people in society based in categories such as gender, skin colour/ethnicity, etc.

Meanings and understandings are constructed
A key aspect of social constructionist theory is the suggestion that language and other aspects of our social world are not produced, or created, by individuals but are constructed through people’s interaction with each other and, at a broader level within society, through the media and institutions such as government, schools, etc. Therefore ideas are not the product of individuals – they are constructed through the social world.
For example, it would not be possible to make up a new word on your own and to begin using it in conversation and expect people to understand it (or take you seriously). However, new words do come into being as a result of social interaction and people co-constructing new meanings. A good example is the word ‘tweenager’ which is a relatively new word to common usage in English. It comes from the words ‘between’ and ‘teen’ to denote young people usually aged 10 and 12. It has become a key focus for marketing, for example of cosmetics and clothing, and a focus for concern about children growing up too fast.
A social constructionist theory suggests that ideas about childhood – when it begins, when it ends, what is a good childhood, the role and responsibilities of parents and carers, etc. – change through time and through cultural context. All are influenced by values, morality and political orientation, e.g. ‘panic’ about the premature end of childhood and teenage sexuality.
Social constructionist theory argues that there is no one ‘correct’ way of being a child, young person, parent, family or carer. Practitioners need to be aware of different ways of growing up and that often what we see as being ‘normal’ or ‘natural’ childhood is part of a system of values that we hold – for example, we may have a view that young people should stay as ‘children’ until they are 18. This can impact upon the ways in which we view young people who are not acting in ways we would consider to be appropriate for a child (such as having sexual partners, making life-changing decisions, etc).

How is social constructionism described and how it is used as a theory to understand the lives of children, young people and families?

The introduction to Working with Children and Young People draws on two theories: social constructionism and social ecological theory. It is argued that these theories allow us to see the world as a complex interaction between many layers of the environment and individual children and young people. Social constructionist theory argues that ideas about children, young people and families are not universal and the same for all people. The dominant ideas about children and young people are seen not to be ‘real’ but constructed, and thus subject to change. These ideas are experienced differently by different groups of children, young people and families.

Children through the ages

1. Children being seen and not heard

The view that children should be ‘seen and not heard’ and ‘speak when spoken to’ is one in which children are assumed to be inferior to adults and not given (or expected to have) a role in determining aspects of their lives. Changes in British society over the past 20 years have led to changes in the way in which we see children and their abilities.
This has been echoed by social changes internationally and legislation that addresses children and young people across the world. The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) has had a significant impact on the experiences of children and young people. In the four nations of the UK, the role of the Children’s Commissioner has been instrumental in addressing the UNCRC at national level.


2. The role of risk and parental authority

It is evident that there have been many changes to the role of parents in children and young people’s lives from the view of parenting which was common in Victorian Britain. The Victorian father was solely responsible for his children and there were no external interventions into family life – what went on behind closed doors remained the responsibility of the family. Fathers were seen to have absolute control over the family.
Modern-day parents have lost a sense of authority over their children. The recent introduction of ‘parenting orders’ is an example of how parental authority has been seen to be ineffective and in need of state intervention. Parenting orders hold parents legally responsible when their child are found guilty of criminal behaviour, and they require parents to take part in parent support.


3. The modern view that children should not be part of the adult world of work


The Victorian working class child is working in a factory. Academics such as Nik Rose (1999) have argued that the way in which we understand childhood today has arisen out of Victorian European society. The view at the time was that children had similar abilities to adults and therefore in working class families where adults worked for a living, children did so too. In an increasingly industrialised society such as Victorian Britain, children performed jobs that adults were unable to do (because of their physical size), such as sweeping chimneys and retying threads under weaving machines. Victorian philanthropists worked to change views of children to ones that we would be more familiar with today – children not having the same skills as adults and so in need of protection and education. The call for compulsory schooling for all children was based on this view, or construction, of childhood.
In today’s society there is legislation which determines when young people can legally begin to undertake paid work and the amount of work they can do. Jobs such as newspaper deliveries and babysitting are common jobs for young people beginning paid work (Crafter et al., 2009; Leonard, 2004). The expectation is that young people can begin to take on some developmentally appropriate jobs which teach them about work but do not interfere with school.

4. New technologies and children's lives

The rapid development of technology and increasing access to it now shapes the lives of many children and young people in the UK. Social networking and mobile phone technology have increased children’s and young people’s opportunities to engage with each other. There is some research evidence of the benefits of this for children and young people. For example, children and young people are using online discussion forums to engage with others who may share a similar concern, as on the Teenage Cancer Trust website.
However, there is also concern that new technologies and new methods of communication have allowed new forms of bullying and possibly have been used as a resource for encouraging psychologically and physically damaging behaviour such as self-harm and ‘pro-ana’ websites.
The impact of new technologies is profoundly changing children’s and young people’s lives and impacting upon parents and practitioners’ support of them.

5.The 'invention' of teenagers

Most societies in the world today differentiate between childhood and adulthood, and many have some kind of transition between these two stages of life. This has been marked by age – for example, in the UK adulthood is assumed to be achieved at 16 years old for some activities (such as the ability to give consent to sexual activity) and at 18 years old for others (such as voting). The move to adulthood can also be marked by biology and the advent of puberty. In many cultures around the world, there are rites of passage for young people to enter the adult community.
In Western societies such as the UK, changes in society after the second world war, particularly in relation to consumerism and a rise of disposable income, led to a newly identified group of young people – ‘teenagers’. Since that time, teenagers have evoked complex responses from society in general – as a source of new ideas and energy in areas such as fashion and music; as a source of concern and a sense of ‘moral panic’ about teenagers; as out of control and a threat to society through criminal activity, sexual behaviour and drink/alcohol consumption.

Monday, 21 February 2011

Social Constructionism

Core questions
•What is social constructionism?
•How is social constructionism useful in understanding how the lives of children, young people and families are constructed?
•What are the implications of social constructionism for practice?

Social constructionism: Social constructionism is a theory that seeks to describe the world we live in. The theory assumes that the world is socially constructed, i.e. that it is not objectively ‘real’ but that the way in which we experience the world is shaped by our place in society – for example, a man may experience social reality differently to a woman.

The theory argues that knowledge is produced within a particular cultural and historical context and can only explain that context. Therefore, knowledge produced in the United States, for example, would not be relevant to a different cultural context such as Cambodia. Reality and knowledge are produced through social processes such as through language and social practices.



Images of children
Have a think about the two images of children that you have chosen and write down some ideas about how the pictures portray children. This will help you begin to understand the idea of how different ideas about children are constructed.
In our discussion it will useful to talk about the following:

•What would the person/organisation who took the picture want you to think about the child?
• Who are the children portrayed?

• How are the children portrayed?

• How are these images different (and the same) from images of children and young people in other situations e.g. playing sport/ at school/hanging around on the streets?

Does the image make you think about children's rights? Protecting the child?


Hi everyone!



I have chosen Image C as my 'Typical' image of childhood. I may have chosen this because it reminds me of one of my daughters birthday parties, but it also conveys childhood innocence and fun. The children themselves seem to be well behaved and waiting patiently for something. The children portrayed seem to be infant school age, and from diverse ethnic backgrounds.



My 'Unusual' choice of image is Image E. This child is obviously suffering from neglect and violence in the home, but there may be other hidden issues. The child is portrayed in a dimly lit room, dirty and injured, and as such is a stereotypical image of an abused child. Of course, lots of abuse goes on unnoticed and isnt so obvious, so this image could be misleading. This image does make me think of child protection and safeguarding issues, and confidentiality guidelines were such a child choose to disclose some form of abuse to me.

Sunday, 20 February 2011

Learning Guide 2 - THEMES

Core questions•What are the themes of the module and why are they important?
•What are some of the different ways of understanding children, young people, their families and the services that are provided for them?
•What knowledge, skills and values are required to support ‘good practice’?

Learning outcomes1.2 [Demonstrate knowledge and understanding of] the theories, concepts, ideologies and policies shaping childhood and challenging practice with children, young people and families.
2.3 Apply concepts and theories to interpret, critically evaluate and develop practice with children, young people and families.
4.3 Practise critical reflection.

The Themes:
1. Knowledges, skills, values and technologies for collaborative practice

The module will emphasise that practice is composed of three inextricably linked components – knowledge, skills and values. Exploring these is a crucial part of identifying good practice in work with children, young people and families. It is important that we keep coming back to consider these components but also to question ‘whose knowledge?’, ‘why those skills?’ and ‘which values?’. Increasingly, technology features not just in the lives of children and young people but also in practice and the way in which services are provided. Finally, the idea that this practice should be a collaborative activity will be central to the module – understanding the perspectives of others and shaping services with those who use them rather than on their behalf.


2. Diversity, inequality, and rights
Families will have very different experiences of life. These are influenced by a range of factors including where they live and their access to resources. Also some children, for example those who are disabled, will encounter different issues in their lives from those who are not disabled. In fact, some children and young people will experience multiple inequalities and disadvantage. The module will aim to enhance understanding of the realities of inequality and diversity and their implications for practice. Services for children have also been increasingly influenced, and challenged, by an acknowledgement of children’s rights. The place of rights will be explored and advocated throughout the module.


3. Spaces and places where children, young people and families live, learn and spend time together
The module will consider the wide range of spaces or contexts where the lives of children, young people and families are affected by socio-economic factors and social policy. You will be encouraged to investigate the different meanings that children and young people and their carers/parents attribute to a whole range of different spaces – not just physical, but also social and discursive. What implications does exploring spaces from this new perspective have for the spaces in which we ourselves work and live?

4. Relationships between children, young people, families, community and societyThe module will promote the idea of looking at children and young people not in isolation or even just in the context of their immediate families, but through a careful consideration of the impact of a broad range of factors in their environment, their community and wider society. This ‘web of relationships’ provides a social-ecological model to understand not only their lives but where services or policies might intervene to make a difference to them.

5. A critical understanding of policy, practice and services
The module will question why services are delivered as they are and explore new ways of practising. In particular, the module will introduce ‘social constructionism’ as a theoretical tool to help you to question assumptions we make about how things are; is the ‘current’ or ‘normal’ way of viewing the lives of children, young people and families the only way or the best way? How do these accepted ways of seeing things come about?

Emerging ways of practising will include ‘social pedagogy’, a method of practice more common in northern Europe.

_____________________________________________________________________________________

Exploring the books:Co-constructing practice
The introduction gives you an overview of how the book chapters relate to each other – the more theoretical ones are in Part 1 and examples from practice are given in Part 2.

In relation to the social ecological model, it suggests a wide range of issues can be viewed using this approach, including health, poverty, child abuse, and child development. The model describes the inter-relatedness of all aspects of people's lives. The theory of social construction will be applied in order to question the nature of subjects as varied as family, childhood, disability, and mental health. The introduction also introduces the concept of co-construction. This is relevant to the theme of working collaboratively with children, young people and families – another way of describing the approach to practice that K218 will advocate.


Children and young people’s spaces

As well as introducing the chapters in this book, the introduction provides some of the theoretical background to the investigation of children’s places and spaces. The example of the children’s playground should help you to see the nature of a ‘space’, how spaces are seen and how they are created, as well as changes reflecting ‘social, historical and discursive’ processes.

_____________________________________________________________________________________

Are there factors outside of Paula’s family that are affecting their lives? Low income, Poor community relations and support networks.

What was your view of Paula and Anthony? Do you think there are different ways of seeing them as parents? They are the very stereotypical 'young parents', and the negative connotations that has.

What ‘spaces’ in the lives of children and parents are we seeing in this programme? Educational, Community, FAST and Home

What kind of knowledge, skills and values might the practitioners working with Paula’s family need to have? Professional skills and knowledge of practice and policy, but also empathetic skills to relate to parents and make them feel able to communicate.

Can you identify any issues that relate to forms of inequality, diversity or children’s rights? Inequalities affect the educational and health life chances of children and young people from poor backgrounds.

_____________________________________________________________________________________

Aspects of practice

•Do we need specific knowledge or theories? How much is practice about common sense?
Child development knowledge

•What are the most important skills for working with children and their families?
Group fascilitation skills/idea sharing/building trust/empathy

•Are values important? Why?

•Do the answers to these questions vary depending on the age group of the children and young people, or are they common to all ages and settings?

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Setting Standards
An example of trying to define common standards for all workers can be found in The Common Core of Skills and Knowledge for the children and young people’s workforce in England (DCSF, 2010). The six key areas promoted here were:

1.Effective communication and engagement with children, young people and families
2.Child and young person development
3.Safeguarding and promoting the welfare of the child or young person
4.Supporting transitions
5.Multi-agency and integrated working
6.Information sharing.

_____________________________________________________________________________________

Measuring Standards

Targets and tables
Think about the following three examples of measuring a service. Identify as many advantages and disadvantages as you can for each one. Try to identify a fourth example that you are familiar with and undertake the same analysis of pros and cons. You might want to exchange ideas about this in your tutor group forum.

League table of the GCSE/Standard Grade results to be published for all schools PROS: Parents and children can choose schools with the best academic records CONS: Schools may not register a struggling pupil for an exam to improve their figures.

Children considered to be at risk should not be subject to a multi-agency ‘protection plan’ for more than two years A child protection plan could be dropped before the two-year point, leaving the child at greater risk.

95% of two-year-olds should have received the MMR vaccine. Vaccination Implementation may leave parents feeling that all the power resides with the medical profession and that they have no choices. A scare about possible side effects in 2003 resulted in a failure to achieve this target – some outcomes require the support of the public.

Youth Centre must achieve accreditations each year PROS: Young people can gain certificates and experience in different skills, such as cooking, arts & crafts, sports awards. CONS: Can take time and resources away from the other young service users, and can make the environment too school-like and structured.

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Reflection

•Have you found any of your study this week interesting or challenging? Why?
•How do you think some of the theories you have encountered might apply to practice?


Key Points
•There are five key themes, emphasising theories, frameworks or aspects of working with children young people and families, which will recur throughout the module.
•Practice can be seen as consisting of three intertwined elements of knowledge, skill and values.
•What constitutes good or effective practice is complex and open to discussion and debate. Attempting to measure good practice through outcomes can play a role in improving practice with children and families but also has some major limitations.

K218

So, I am studying this course, Working with Children & Young People with the Open University. Well, it's called something like that anyway!

I am going to use this space to make notes on each section of the course, to help me make sense of it all come revision time. I'm finding this course hard, as the two previous Open Uni courses I've studied have been workbook based, and this one is practically all online. I'm finding it hard not being able to underline and make notes, so I'm hoping this journal will help.